Stanley Edward Lane-Poole (18 December 1854 – 29 December 1931)
was a British orientalist and archaeologist.
BY STANLEY LANE-POOLE MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1894
CHAPTER XVII A PRISONER IN PEKING
...... ...... ......
All that need here be said is that, whether Lord
Elgin's passion for diplomacy or the General's unpre-
paredness were the cause, a month passed between the
breaking off of the Tien-tsin conferences and the arrival of
the allies in force before Peking, and that in the meanwhile
the negotiations which had been abandoned were resumed.
At first the allies, determined apparently to ' stand no
more nonsense,' pushed on their advance guard to Ho-si-
wu, a place some thirty -five miles from Peking, as the
crow flies, or about half-way between Tien-tsin and the
capital.
1 This is best stated in Lord Wolseley's Narrative of the War with
China in i860 (1862).
On the way Lord Elgin received fresh overtures i860
from the Chinese. New Commissioners had been ap-
pointed to conclude a Convention, one of whom was
no less a personage than Tsai, Prince of I, a nephew
of the Emperor and one of the three princes who
practically governed the country, whilst the other was the
President of the Board of War. These fresh diplomatists,
armed with plenary powers from the Emperor, tried to
induce Lord Elgin to return to Tien-tsin and resume the
interrupted negotiations ; but although he declined to go
back he did what was almost as bad : he consented
not to go forward. First he said that the army would
march to Tung-chow (ten miles from Peking) ' crushing
all opposition ' on its way ; and then he added that it
would halt at a stage short of Tung-chow, whilst he and
an escort of a thousand men would enter the town to
sign the Convention, and then go on to Peking to
present the Queen's letter to the Emperor. The Chinese
naturally drew the conclusion that one concession might
be followed by others, and that the allies were not
confident of their strength. The Prince of I took advan-
tage of the pause to arrange a plot, as dishonourable and
perfidious as even Chinese duplicity could devise. Whilst
calling up the Mongolian troops and preparing a trap for
our army, he sought to gain time by apparent conciliation.
He and his colleague promised to sign the Convention
which had already been submitted to their predecessors in
the Commission. On the 16th September they had a
long and amicable interview with the two secretaries, who
brought back a formal letter in which the Commissioners
engaged to execute the Convention of which they had
approved the draft. They fixed a point about five miles
from Tung-chow for the final camp of the allied army,
beyond which no advance should be made. Parkes and
Wade came back thoroughly satisfied, and completely
deceived. ' The earnestness and even vehemence,' wrote
Mr Wade, ' with which the Prince had discussed, first the
question of powers and lastly the position of the force,
谷歌同学一秒钟完结 译文：埃尔金勋爵 = 额尔金勋爵； 帕克斯 = 巴夏礼
这里需要说的是，无论是否
额尔金对外交的热情或对将军的不满 -
的原因，一个月过去了
断绝天津会议和到来
北京之前的盟友，以及同时的盟友
已经放弃的谈判得以恢复。
起初，盟友显然决心“再也无法忍受一而再、再而三的胡扯八扯”，
“把他们的前卫推到了Ho-si-
吴，距离北京三十五英里的地方 --
乌鸦飞翔的距离，或者在天津和天津之间
首都。
1这在沃尔斯利勋爵的“战争叙事”中得到了最好的阐述
中国在i860（1862年）。
在埃尔金勋爵收到i860新鲜提议的路上
来自中国人。新委员已经
指出缔结了一项公约，其中一项是
一个人，不是一个人，而是蔡，我的王子，一个侄子
皇帝和三个王子之一
实际上统治着这个国家，而另一个则是
战争委员会主席。这些新鲜的外交家，
从皇帝那里获得全权，试图
诱导埃尔金勋爵返回天津并重新开始
中断谈判;但他拒绝去
他做了几乎同样糟糕的事情：他同意了
不要往前走首先，他说军队会
前往东北（离北京十英里）的地方“碾碎”
所有反对者都在路上;然后他补充说
他会和Tung-chow一起停下来
一千人的护送将进入城镇
签署公约，然后继续前往北京
介绍女王给皇帝的信。中国人
自然得出一个让步可能的结论
被其他人跟随，而盟友则没有
他们的力量充满信心。我的王子采取了先锋 -
暂停的故事安排一个情节，作为不光彩和
甚至中国人的口是心非也可以设计的。同时
召集蒙古军队准备陷阱
在我们的军队中，他试图通过明显的和解获得时间。
他和他的同事答应签署该公约
已经提交给他们的前任的
委员会。 9月16日，他们有一个
两位秘书长期友好的采访，谁
带回了委员们的正式信件
参与执行他们所拥有的公约
批准了草案。他们修了一个大约5英里的点
来自东吴的联盟军营，
除此之外不应该提前。帕克斯和
韦德完全满意地回来了
上当受骗。 “诚恳甚至激烈，”写道
韦德先生，“王子曾与之讨论过，先是
权力问题，最后是部队的立场，
诱使我们两人相信他最后的投降
真诚地防止进一步的敌对行动。
强加给两个这样精明的外交家是一个
充分证明王子的特殊能力
然而，我的职业生涯突然被缩短了
一年后由丝绸线，名义上由于
他现在犯下的背叛。
9月17日，帕克斯回到了东州
完成会议安排
专员和盟军大使，以及其中
其他事情要记在所谓的五个
//指出营地的基础。他陪着
埃尔金勋爵的私人秘书德诺曼先生，洛克先生，
陪同布鲁斯先生的使馆，沃克上校，1季 -
副骑兵汤姆森先生，骑兵旅大师
小卖部将军，时代的鲍尔比先生和Lieu-
租户安德森指挥五国王的护送
龙骑兵卫队和Fane's Horse的二十多只。上
没有什么不寻常的方式和一个中国人
他们遇到的中将，对此表示诚挚的祝贺
他们对“和平的结局”。他们找到了宿舍
在Tung-chow的一个寺庙里，Parkes花了七个小时
与帝国专员一起安排细节。他
发现他们强烈反对这个提议
埃尔金勋爵应亲自出示女王的信
对皇帝来说，它似乎是一个方便的法则
为这个场合发明的王国迫使陛下来
那个季节去他的狩猎小屋 - 但是这个细节
保留给埃尔金勋爵的考虑。另一个
事情已经解决;会议结束了
交换显然真诚的祝贺
和平预备的结论。但这封信
现为C. P. Beauchamp Walker先生，K.C.B。
2关于帕克斯及其政党于9月18日被捕，以及
随后的监禁，我依靠他给9号妻子的信
10月（在边缘引用为“信件”），他向埃尔金勋爵的正式报告印刷
在蓝皮书中{Pari。论文，186 1 [66]，p。 226-244，引用为“报告”），
和H. H. Loch爵士在主时期发生的生动的个人叙事
埃尔金第二次访华使馆，p。 131-238（Murray，1869;引用'Loch'），
然而，这与帕克斯报告略有不同。
帕克斯写给他的妻子的时候，i860将全部结束
最好告诉这些危险的文明是什么： -
9月1日，我从营地信件中被送出
在Ho-si-wu进入距离25英里的Tung-chow，
带着休战旗帜，通知帝国委员会 -
sioners（我的王子和Muh-yin）埃尔金勋爵
接受他们自己提出的条款
在14日的前一次会议上，
一方面是传教士，另一方面是韦德和我自己
另一个。我现在相信，在制作这些亲
他们要么希望，要么被指示修改
他们和着名的Sangkolinsin被指示
尝试另一个参与的问题。然而，这，
他们对我保密;虽然他们遇见了我
起初有各种各样的反对意见，但事实并非如此
鼓励，我仍然成功（因为它在我看来）
经过长时间的采访，在推翻这些，他们
和我一起工作（有明显的善意）
作出和平或和平的安排
停止敌对行动取决于。因此，他们任命
一套军官，与我一同标记
我们的部队（预计第二天）到了
占 ;其他人员管理供应事宜;
和平宣言的出版是
menced;和运输埃尔金勋爵的车
行李被订购。这一切都在17日。
在18日的白天，我和那些官员一起去了
到营地（距离东 - 五英里）
chow），并惊讶地发现它占据了一个
中国军队的力量相当大，而其他机构
可以看出从其他方向接近。失败-
从以下的官员那里得到任何解释
对这些部队进行了训练，并担心我们的进步
列可能会随时出现，在这种情况下
一次碰撞本来是不可避免的，我发了
洛奇（埃尔金勋爵的私人秘书）给格兰特将军
有智慧，请求他停止他的专栏，
直到我可以给他一个解释
预期的状况。然后我跑回来
3 2 Tung-chow，首先要留意委员
并看看他们是否会立即指示
这些军队的掠夺，然后失败，其次，
让我的派对尽快离开这个地方，
我可能会在对冲的右侧
订婚开始了：所谓的派对包括约
十五个山羊（本土骑兵），德国的诺曼先生
Legition先生，Bowlby先生{时代通讯员），和
指挥护送的中尉安德森。 1开
回到东I，我找到了所有的绅士;
警告说，我派遣信使去追求他们
sowars准备好马上开始注意，并且
他们中的一些人去寻找委员会
领取者。在我找到它们之前很长一段时间： - 不
一个人会告诉我他们在哪里。他们告诉我的
他们不会撤回部队，并且在这种情况下
我很快就看到了一声，我越早退出
我们离他们越来越好，因为他们被包围了
许多人的态度非常不同
到以前的场合。我让他们给我，
但是，对两个分类问题的分类回复，
为了防止我在他们面前失误的错误
写作，然后，祝他们早上好，
希望我和他一起看过最后一段时间
可以看到已经确定了一场战斗。
这些答复是：（1）帝国委员会 -
sioners不会指示部队退役，因为（2）
和平尚未确定，因此
观众问题仍未解决。什么时候
帕克斯重复说他只能提出这个问题
埃尔金勋爵，他们说，'如果你，你可以做得更多
喜欢。你可以自己解决这个问题;但
你不会。委员们看来很明显
帕克斯作为谈判的主要代言人并做到了
当他断言埃尔金勋爵的至高无上时，不要相信他
1沃克上校和汤姆森先生此前离开了派对，并且
最终管理中国线路的风险很大。
以下内容，实在太长了，也别节选了，还是看原文吧。
induced us both to believe that his surrender at last was
bona fide for the purpose of preventing further hostilities.'
To have imposed upon two such shrewd diplomatists is a
sufficient proof of the exceptional ability of the Prince of
I, whose career, however, was abruptly cut short just a
year later by the silken cord, nominally on account of the
treachery which he now perpetrated.
On the 17th September Parkes returned to Tung-chow
to complete the arrangements for a meeting between the
Commissioners and the Allied Ambassadors, and among
other things to mark out at what was known as * the five
// point ' the ground for the camp. He was accompanied
by Mr Loch, Lord Elgin's private secretary, Mr de Norman,
attache to Mr Bruce's Legation, Colonel Walker, 1 Quarter-
master of the cavalry brigade, Mr Thomson, Deputy
Commissary General, Mr Bowlby of the Times, and Lieu-
tenant Anderson commanding the escort of five King's
Dragoon Guards and twenty sowars of Fane's Horse. On
the way nothing unusual was remarked, and a Chinese
lieutenant-general, whom they met, cordially congratulated
them on ' the conclusion of peace.' They found quarters
in a temple at Tung-chow, and Parkes spent seven hours
with the Imperial Commissioners, arranging details. He
found that they strongly objected to the proposal that
Lord Elgin should personally present the Queen's letter
to the Emperor, — it appeared that a convenient law of the
realm, invented for the occasion, compelled his Majesty to
go to his hunting -lodge at that season, — but this detail
was reserved for Lord Elgin's consideration. The other
matters were settled ; and the meeting ended in the
exchange of apparently sincere congratulations on the
conclusion of the preliminaries of peace. But the letter
Now General Sir C. P. Beauchamp Walker, K.C.B.
2 In relating the capture of Parkes and his party on 18th September, and
the imprisonment which ensued, I rely upon his letter to his wife of 9th
October (cited in margin as ' Letter '), his official report to Lord Elgin, printed
in the Blue-Book {Pari. Papers, 186 1 [66], p. 226-244, cited as 'Report'),
and Sir H. B. Loch's vivid Personal Narrative of Occurrences during Lord
Elgin 's Second Embassy to China, p. 131-238 (Murray, 1869 ; cited as '
Loch '),
which, however, presents some slight discrepancies with Parkes' Report.
which Parkes wrote to his wife when it was all over will i860
best tell what followed these treacherous civilities : —
On the 17th September I was sent from the camp Letter
at Ho-si-wu into Tung-chow, twenty-five miles distant,
with a flag of truce, to notify to the Imperial Commis-
sioners (the Prince of I and Muh-yin) Lord Elgin's
acceptance of the terms they had themselves proposed
at a previous meeting on the 14th between said Com-
missioners on the one part and Wade and myself on
the other. I now believe that after making those pro-
posals, they either wished or were instructed to modify
them, and the famous Sangkolinsin was directed to
try the issue of another engagement. This, however,
they kept secret from me ; and though they met me
at first with a variety of objections, which were not
encouraging, still I succeeded (as it appeared to me)
after a long interview in overruling these, and they
worked away with me (with apparent good-will) in
making those arrangements upon which peace or
cessation of hostilities depended. Thus they appointed
one set of officers, to mark out with me the ground
that our troops (expected the following day) were to
take up ; other officers to manage matters of supply ;
the publication of a peace proclamation was com-
menced ; and carts for the transport of Lord Elgin's
baggage were ordered. All this on the 17th.
At daylight on the 18th I went with said officers
to the place of encampment (five miles from Tung-
chow), and was surprised to find it occupied by a
considerable force of Chinese troops, while other bodies
could be seen approaching from other directions. Fail-
ing to get any explanation from the officers who com-
manded these troops, and fearing that our advanced
column might come up at any moment, in which case
a collision would have been inevitable, I despatched
Loch (Lord Elgin's private secretary) to General Grant
with the intelligence, begging him to halt his column,
until I could bring him an explanation of this un-
expected state of things. I then galloped back to
Tung-chow, first, to look out for the Commissioners
and see if they would immediately direct the with-
drawal of these troops, and failing this, then secondly,
to get my party out of the place as quickly as possible,
that I might be on the right side of the hedge when
the engagement began : said party consisted of about
fifteen sowars (native cavalry), Mr de Norman of the
Legation, Mr Bowlby {Times correspondent), and
Lieutenant Anderson who commanded the escort. 1 On
returning to Tung-chow I found all the gentlemen out ;
I despatched messengers in quest of them, warned the
sowars to be ready to start at a moment's notice, and
with a couple of them went in search of the Commis-
sioners. It was a long time before I found them : — no
one would tell me where they were. They told me
that they would not withdraw the troop*s, and in such
a tone that I soon saw that the sooner I withdrew
myself from them the better, as they were surrounded
by a host of men whose manner was very different
to that of previous occasions. I made them give me,
however, categorical replies to two categorical questions,
which to prevent mistake I took down before them in
writing, and then, wishing them a very good morning,
hoped I had seen the last of them for a little time, as I
could see a fight had been determined on.
These replies were: (1) that the Imperial Commis-
sioners would not direct the troops to retire, because (2)
the peace had not been determined on, in consequence of
the audience question remaining still unsettled. When
Parkes repeated that he could only refer this question to
Lord Elgin, they said, ' You can do much more if you
like. You can settle the point at once yourself; but
you won't.' It is evident that the Commissioners looked
upon Parkes as the chief voice in the negotiations and did
not believe him when he asserted Lord Elgin's supreme
1 Colonel Walker and Mr Thomson had left the party before now, and
managed eventually at considerable risk to get through the Chinese lines.
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 379
power of decision. Nothing remained but to make good i860 his retreat : — Mt - 32
Got back to my party, who were three miles Letter off, and had been rejoined by Loch 1 with an urgent message from the General desiring me to come out as soon as possible, as the enemy were on both his flanks and were threatening his baggage, thus rendering it difficult to delay engaging them. We had a good six miles to go, and the whole Chinese army (since esti- mated at many thousand men) between us and our people ; but I relied upon our flag of truce carrying us through, if we could only get out before the battle began. We rode hard, and had only about half a mile more to go to place us in safety, when we got amongst the masses of the Chinese troops. Boom ! boom ! went a line of guns in their front, which showed that the action had commenced. We held on our way, but as soon as [we] were discovered, horsemen filed off to the right and left of us, and meeting in front, stopped our way. Riding ahead, I called on their officers to allow me and my flag of truce to pass out, but they refused to do this without the order of their General or some superior officer. As the latter did not appear, I with Loch and one sowar with white flag left the party, and rode to the spot where he was said to be. I then after passing through some [tall millet cane] found my- self in the presence of a body of matchlock-men, who levelled their pieces and would have fired, had not an officer, who galloped up simultaneously, persuaded them to desist. In quicker time than it takes me to write, we were surrounded by them, and when I called out 1 for the officer I wanted to see, I was pointed to a fat fellow on horseback some distance off on the other side of a creek, and told to dismount and cross over to him.
1 Mr Loch had loyally ridden back through the Chinese lines in the hope of hastening the escape of Parkes and his party, and Captain Brabazon had volunteered to accompany him, when it was found that Lieutenant- Colonel Wolseley (whom the General named for the duty) was at some distance employed in his special work of surveying the country.
I now saw that I must be prepared for foul
JEt ' 32 play, but resistance with only three of us (two of us without swords) being useless, my only hope (and I confess it was a faint one) rested on my flag ; and I dis- mounted and endeavoured to cross the creek to the said officer. While doing so, a greater man appeared, even Sangkolinsin himself, the Chinese Commander-in- Chief ; and as he had sent in flags of truce to us on various occasions, I hoped that he would respect mine, and for a moment I felt it was well to be taken before a man of such high rank. But the illusion was soon dispelled, for as I approached I was seized by his attendants and hurled down before him, because I had not instantly obeyed their order to kneel. Loch and the sowar (a Sikh) as they were brought up were treated in the same way. Report The moment the Prince gave me an opportunity of
speaking to him, which he did by asking me my name, I at once clearly informed him who I was, and of the whole character of my mission to Tung-chow, adding that I was returning to my Ambassador when I was stopped by his troops. I was proceeding with a re- monstrance against the treatment I was receiving, when the Prince interrupted me by saying —
' Why did you not agree yesterday to settle the Audience question ? '
' Because I was not empowered to do so,' I replied.
The Prince then continued in a very forbidding tone —
1 Listen ! You can talk reason : you have gained two victories to our one. Twice you have dared to take the Peiho forts ; why does not that content you ? And now you presume to give out * that you will attack any force that stops your march on Tung-chow. I am now doing that. You say that you do not direct these military movements ; but I know your name, and that you instigate all the evils that your people
1 Referring to the proclamation of the Commander-in-Chief.
commit. You have also used bold language in the i860 presence of the Prince of I, and it is time that for- /Et ' 32 eigners should be taught respect for Chinese nobles and ministers.'
I endeavoured to explain the mistakes of the Prince ; told him distinctly what my functions were ; that I had come to Tung-chow by express agreement with the Imperial Commissioners, and solely in the interests of peace ; and I again begged him to show the same respect to an English flag of truce that we had always paid to those so repeatedly sent in by the Chinese. The Prince, however, simply laughed at all this, and, going to a house that was close by, directed the soldiers to bring me after him. On arriving at the house I was again thrown on my knees before him, and the Prince . . . said —
1 Write to your people and tell them to stop the attack.'
' It would be useless for me to do so,' I replied, ' as I cannot control or influence military movements in any way. I will not deceive your Highness by leading you to suppose that anything I might write would have such an effect.'
' I see you continue obstinate,' he said, ' and that you will be of no use to me.'
His suite came round and joined in taunting me, Letter and made remarks which indicated very plainly the treachery they had practised, and their own exultation at finding that our army had fallen (as they thought) into their snare. In a few minutes the three of us were put into a cart with two Frenchmen (who turned up as prisoners also at the same moment) and sent away to the Prince of I. . . . Until you have tried it, you can form no idea of the pain and anguish of this conveyance when it goes along a paved road. The Prince of I could not be found, so we were taken to another notable, and again hurled on our knees. Feigning faintness [to avoid useless questions] I was
382 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 removed into the air, and the three of us were sur-
• 32 rounded as before by a throng of brutal and excited soldiery, taken thence to a house, searched, then brought before another mandarin, an officer on the Prince of I's suite, again made to kneel and again examined [buffeted, and kicked]. While the examination was going on, he suddenly rose and went out, and immediately afterwards a number of soldiers with drawn swords rushed in, bound us, and carried us away, as I really feared, to execution. 1 I cannot stay to dwell on these moments of horror, although prayer came to my relief. But instead of being murdered, we were again (all five) put into a cart and started off, as we soon found, to Peking. I could now see that the camp to which we had been brought was being broken up, and was in full retreat, in consequence doubtless of our having gained some advantage in the engagement. The soldiers however were savage in consequence of their defeat, and called out that they would revenge the deaths of their comrades on us. The journey [which lasted five hours] gave us dreadful suffering.
Report The road was so much blocked up by men and
vehicles retreating, whilst others were advancing, that we were often obliged to halt. The Prince of I, Muh- yin his fellow Commissioner, and Hang-ki passed us in large sedan chairs, but would not deign to notice us. We could see that we were in the charge of Tsing Tajin, the officer ... on the suite of the Prince of I, and our first solicitations of relief from pain and thirst afforded him so much cruel gratification that we made no second appeal to his humanity. Fortunately one of the four soldiers in the cart with us was less relent- less and gave us a little water.
Letter It was sunset before we reached the east gate of
Peking, and 8 P.M. before our cart halted in a court
1 They were run out of the house in the way that Chinese prisoners are hurried out to execution. ' We said a few sad parting words to each other, for we now considered our deaths as certain' (Loch, p. 164).
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 383
of which it was then too dark to see anything. Lan- i860 terns were produced and again I shuddered, as I found Mt ' 32 that we were in the hands of the Board of Punishments, who may be classed with the officers of the Bastille or the Inquisition of Spain. Soon we were loaded with chains and carried before these inquisitors, who after a short examination ordered us to imprisonment in the common prisons, each prisoner to be confined in a separate prison, but among sixty or seventy of their own wretched felons. As he clanked along the courts and passages on his way to the prison, he heard the sound of other chains, which told him that Mr Loch was passing : but his ruffianly gaolers would not let the two prisoners converse, and with a last ' God bless you,' they were hurried off in different directions. To each it seemed as if this silent farewell might be the last. ' Poor Parkes,' wrote Mr Loch, ' suffered much in mind and body, and yet main- tained outwardly an appearance of calm indifference to all that could be done to him ' : but the old Sikh was the least perturbed of the three. When Mr Loch bade him keep up his spirits and fear not, Nal Singh answered with the stoical courage of his race : ' Fear ! I do not fear. If I do not die to-day, I may to-morrow, and I am past sixty ; and am I not with you ? I do not fear.' So the three parted, and the next thing Parkes saw was a massive door, which opened and closed on him, and he found himself in the common gaol. ' It was like entering a pandemonium.' Some seventy wild-looking felons, foul and diseased, crowded round to gaze upon him, and he was fastened to a beam overhead by a long heavy chain, to which his neck and hands and feet were linked by an iron collar, handcuffs, and fetters. To his great relief the cords were taken off his wrists, which had been bound so tightly that his hands had swollen to twice their natural size. His chains were long enough to allow him to lie down, and such was his weariness and hunger (for he had not tasted food for more
384 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 than twenty-four hours) that, in spite of the horror of ^ T - 32 his situation, the exhausted man fell sound asleep on the bare planking which formed the common bed of all the prisoners. But he was not long suffered to taste forgetfulness, for at midnight he was again dragged before the Board of Inquisitors, and subjected to a long and severe examination, in which the argument of threats and the indignities of the torturers were used without scruple. Four men gripped him, and, on a sign from the examiners, repeatedly twitched his ears and hair as he knelt on the stone floor. A great many questions were put to him as to the strength of the British army, the military resources of India, and the like, to which Parkes gave straightforward answers ; and the inquisitors waxed very wroth when he referred to the Queen by a term which also applied to the Emperor of China.
' What do you mean by using such language ? ' they said. ' You have yourself shown that you have been long in China, that you can speak our language and read our books ; and you must know, therefore, that there is but one Emperor, who rules over all lands.'
Parkes tried vainly to make them understand his position as non-combatant ; they only replied by asking why he was always in the front of the army, and refused altogether to listen to his reasoning that whatever his offence it was not one which could properly land him in the common gaol, as if he were a Chinese criminal. To that den he was accordingly sent back, where his name was stuck up as a ' rebel.' There many high mandarins, and even the President of the Board of Punishments, came and scoffed at him, while he protested against their treatment and warned them of the inevitable conse- quences. Only the prisoners showed him fellow-feeling, and even from thieves and homicides it was a balm to his misery : — Report Many of these unfortunate men were glad, when so permitted, to come round me and listen to my story, or any description that I would give them of foreign
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 385
countries. . . . They were seldom disrespectful, ad- i860 dressed me by my title, and often avoided putting me /Et ' 32 to inconvenience when it was in their power to do so. Most of them were men of the lowest class, and the gravest order of offenders — as murderers, burglars, etc. Those who had no means of their own were reduced by prison filth and prison diet to a shocking state of emaciation and disease ; but those who could afford to fee the gaolers, and purchase such things as they wanted, lived in comparative fulness and comfort. After four days of the common gaol, he was removed on 22nd September to a separate room, eight feet square, which he shared with his four special gaolers. The cause of this slight improvement, though Parkes knew nothing of it, was probably the supercession of the Prince of I and Muh-yin, as Imperial Commissioners, by the Prince of Kung, a brother of the Emperor, and a sensible man according to Chinese capacity. The Prince was not a man to encourage needless cruelty, nor was he deaf to the diplomatic threats of Lord Elgin ; and it was doubt- less his influence that procured Parkes the privilege of a prison to himself. But the Prince of Kung had other motives. He was convinced that Parkes could arrange the terms of peace and sign the convention proprio motu} and he brought pressure to bear upon him in the hope that the imprisoned Consul, who represented the whole policy of England in Chinese eyes, might be induced to stop the advance of the British army, which was now threatening to attack Peking itself. Accordingly Hang- ki, the Assistant-Commissioner of the Tung-chow con- ferences, who had learned more than most Chinamen of the power and intentions of England during his residence at Canton, was sent, with other officials, to discuss matters with Parkes in his cell. At first he objected to enter the
1 ' The British Consul Parkes is well versed in the Chinese language, written and spoken, and the Prince is now in the act of sending an officer to settle with him all matters necessary for the sealing and signing (of the Treaties) at a conference. Why then do the British still thus abound in doubts ? ' (Prince of Kung to Lord Elgin, 1st October, Blue-Book, p. 185).
VOL. I 2 C
386 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 prison on account of the stench; but he overcame his ' r ' 32 fastidiousness after a while, and had long conversations with the captive on the 22nd, 26th, and 28th. His great object was to induce Parkes to write to Lord Elgin or somebody and stop hostilities, and he dropped sinister hints as to the consequences of refusal. The prisoner, however, stoutly refused to have anything to do with the question of peace or war. Send your messengers, he said, to the camp, and send me and Mr Loch with them, and we will be responsible for their safety, and they shall have a hearing ; but as to interfering in the negotiations which he now heard were going on, or trying in any way to influence Lord Elgin as the price of his own life, nothing could induce him to attempt it. When they threatened him, he replied that he could be surprised at no cruelty, and was prepared for the worst ; for he knew his fate was in God's keeping. At the interview on the 28th Hang-ki brought a message from the Prince of Kung, reprobating the ill-treatment to which the prisoners had been subjected, and promising justice and courtesy : ' Mr Parkes,' he said, ' shall have no cause to complain of his treatment now that he is in my hands.' Parkes replied that justice and courtesy would doubtless be met by the like on the part of the English : whereupon Hang-ki turned round with a dramatic air to the mandarins who accompanied him —
' Listen ! ' he said, ' he declares that his nation will act according to justice. Take off his chains ! '
So, after eleven days of the iron collar and heavy fetters, the prisoner was at last relieved of his galling burden. Nor was this all. He was told that he would probably be taken out of prison on the following day. * Not unless Mr Loch goes out too/ was his staunch reply. The man who had risked his life eleven days before to save his companions was not likely to accept any favour which was not shared by his fellow-prisoner, especially when that prisoner had also voluntarily put his head into the lion's jaws on the 18th September in the hope of
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 387
saving Parkes. He had heard nothing of the fate of his i860 partner in misfortune since the day of their capture ; he ^ T " 32 did not even know whether he was alive ; and it was a great relief to find from Hang-ki's manner that Mr Loch had not yet been executed. A pathetic attempt had been made by each of them to attract the other's attention by singing ' God save the Queen/ but after the first note their voices had broken with uncontrollable emotion.
At last they met, and neither liked to say much of the joy of that meeting. The imagination must be left to picture the scene, and divine the solace they felt in each other's company. Parkes found that his companion's sufferings had been as severe as his own : indeed Mr Loch had been nearly strangled one night when his gaoler tightened his chain to the beam overhead ; but now all that was over. They were removed under guard, on the 29th, to a temple outside the prison, and supplied with excellent food, baths, and all needful comforts. Here many more conferences took place with Hang-ki and other officials, and Parkes consented to write to Lord Elgin that he was now being well treated, and that he hoped hostili- ties would be suspended in favour of negotiations — to which Loch added a postscript in Hindustani to warn the Ambassador that the letter was written by order of the Chinese. Again and again the mandarins tried to extort a pledge from Parkes on the subject of the terms of peace : they could not shake his determination to do nothing that could bind or hamper Lord Elgin. 1 Among the thrilling incidents of these days of anxious expectation was the discovery, in a package of clothes sent by their friends at the camp, of a worked handkerchief and embroidered dress shirt : such strange articles for two prisoners aroused Mr Loch's suspicions, and he discovered a sentence in Hindu- stani, almost invisibly worked round in the embroidery,
1 Lord Elgin fully appreciated Parkes' public spirit. ' Mr Parkes' con- sistent refusal,' he wrote, ' to purchase his own safety by making any pledges, or even by addressing to me any representations which might have embarrassed me in the discharge of my duty, is a rare example of courage and devotion to the public interest.'
388 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 announcing that the bombardment would begin on the JEt ' 32 third day and asking for the exact position of their place of captivity. One may conceive how the hopes and fears of the prisoners rose and fell as they read : how the zeal of their friends was weighed against the risk of instant death on the sound of the first gun : ' that shot,' said Hang-ki, ' will be the signal for your execution.' It was made very clear to them that British bombs would be answered by prisoners' heads. On the 3rd October a letter from Mr Wade was brought in, in which he told Parkes that if any harm befell the prisoners Peking would be 'burnt from one end to the other' — a post- umous consolation which did not greatly raise their spirits. The thought of the misery that would ensue was more painful to Parkes even than their own position. 1 If the Chinese believed that the threat would be carried out, it might save their lives : but would they believe ? The one hope lay in Hang-ki, who had discovered that the English had * a curious habit of speaking the truth ' : if he could convince the Prince of Kung of the genuineness of the threat, all might yet be well, and for his own sake he would try to save the destruction of his own house and possessions. At first Hang-ki failed to bring the Council of State over to his view, and on the 5 th he told the prisoners that they were to be executed that evening. 2 They wrote their farewell letters and felt almost glad that the suspense was over. Then an order came to reprieve them till the morrow, and in the morning Hang-ki arrived J with an altered countenance and told them that he had been up all night with the Prince of Kung, who had finally agreed to accept Lord Elgin's terms. At last it seemed that the calamity was overpast, and Parkes wrote a note to the effect that if all the prisoners were safely returned no revenge would be exacted. But even then a new event brought back the old peril. The sound of heavy guns was heard on the morning of the 7th. Had the bombardment begun ? The Chinese were in great 1 Loch, 213. 2 Loch, 218-220.
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 389
alarm, and eyed the prisoners in a manner that boded no i860 good. Their danger was now from the populace, not from yET * 32 the Government ; but Parkes held to his argument, that the Chinese had brought it all upon themselves by pro- crastination, and that the only chance of peace lay in the immediate surrender of all the prisoners. The argument went home, supported by the sound of the guns (though they were not shotted) and the fact that the allies had seized the Summer Palace, and all but captured the Empress and the Prince of Kung, who left the Palace on one side as the troops entered on the other. Hang-ki went away in search of the Prince, and the prisoners anxiously awaited the morrow. The events of the 8th may be told in the words of Mr Loch's Narrative, which presents a most detailed and graphic account of the captivity : —
Monday ZtJi. — At daylight we sent to inquire at his Loch, 228 house if Hang-ki had yet returned ; we received a message that he had come back about four o'clock this morning, much exhausted, but would call about nine. Shortly after that hour he came ; he said he had succeeded in seeing Prince Kung and also Wade ; that the latter had said the surrender of one of the gates into the hands of the allies was a condition the Allied Commanders-in-Chief insisted upon, before they would stay further military operations. This, Hang-ki said, was a demand which could not be complied with ; then, dismissing the subject, he changed the conversa- tion, and began to discuss a dozen indifferent subjects, amongst others, whether the earth revolved round the sun or vice versa. He had been joined by a good number of mandarins ; all of them quietly drank their tea and joined in the conversation, — Parkes maintain- ing his share in it with as much calmness as if our lives and probably the future fate of China were not hanging on each moment of valuable time thus slipping away. Not even having the excitement of knowing what was passing, except when Parkes from time to time told me, and yet to appear utterly indifferent, was
39o LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKE S chap.
i860 a great trial of both nerves and temper. About noon a
1 T ' 32 mandarin called, who had a long whispered conversa- tion with Hang-ki. Hang-ki then returned to his seat, and after quietly drinking a cup of tea, said to Parkes that Prince Kung had decided upon releasing us at once, and that we should be sent about two o'clock that afternoon into the allied camp. Parkes merely bowed in answer, and when he told me, said, ' Don't exhibit any pleasure or feeling.' I suggested that as the discussion about the sun and earth must be by this time nearly exhausted, he should ask their opinion as to whether the moon rotates on her own axis, which I believed was a doubtful point in Europe. Without saying one word respecting our release, Parkes quietly began on this subject and continued until Hang-ki's patience was exhausted, when he exclaimed, ' You appear to be alike indifferent as to whether you are to die or live.' Parkes replied, 1 Not at all ; but we have now had considerable experi- ence of the vacillation and the deceit of the Chinese Government, and therefore until our release becomes an accomplished fact, we venture to doubt it.' Hang- ki had now risen and was walking up and down the room ; he suddenly went up to Parkes, and leaning forward, whispered in his ear, ' There are many diffi- culties to be overcome ; you cannot leave before two o'clock, but you cannot be more anxious to hurry forward the arrangements than I am. If we ever meet after to-day, remind me, and I will tell you my reasons.' We were told that six other prisoners would be released at the same time, but we could not ascertain who they were. Our servants now busied themselves and packed up our very few possessions, and Hang-ki presented a cloth cloak to each of us. We waited anxiously for two o'clock ; — it came at last. Hang-ki, who for the previous hour had been passing backwards and forwards, then came and led us by the hand into an outer court, where we found three or four covered
II A PRISONER IN PEKING 391
carts — the curtains round them were closed, and pre- i860 vented our seeing who were inside. Parkes and I got 32
into the one prepared for us ; the curtain was then drawn, and we were told to be careful not to show ourselves. Some little time was occupied, apparently in forming the escort : when all was in readiness, the gate leading into the street was thrown open. A dense crowd had assembled outside : the escort cleared a way for the carts, and men went in front with whips to keep the people back. It is impossible to describe our feelings — our hopes were raised — and yet we felt how much still lay between us and safety. . . . It seemed as if we should never reach the gate ; at last we had a good view of the heavy massive doors, which, with a sinking feeling, we saw were closed, but when within thirty yards they were thrown open, and we heard the heavy bang of their being shut behind us with a sensation of intense relief. The outer gate was opened, and closed, in the same manner, and we found ourselves once more outside the walls of Peking and in the open country.
Oh the delight [wrote Parkes] at finding ourselves Letter really being taken away from the horrible place, at passing out of the tall dark gate of the city, and being able again to look around. Directly we sighted the first English sentry we could not be longer restrained, and (not being bound) we jumped from the cart and made for the red coats, leaving our Chinese guard to their own devices. We then found that we were in company with an old Sikh (who was captured with us) and the two Frenchmen above referred to, and three other Frenchmen. The Chinese acknowledge to having made some twenty more prisoners, but these were sent away to a great distance into the interior, and it will be two days before they can arrive ; some (five or six) have died of wounds, fright, and ill-treatment, so I, who was perhaps looked upon as their worst enemy, have escaped with least injury.
392 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKE S chap.
i860 The meeting with one's friends was no small part
T ' 32 of the trial ; but I soon got over that, and felt very very happy and very thankful for the extraordinary mercies extended to me. Lord Elgin gives me credit for having acted courageously, and he has just come with a note which I enclose congratulating you on my escape. ... I don't believe I am any the worse for what I have gone through. I suffered a good deal during the first eleven days, but the good treatment of the last ten has enabled me to recover in body, and God in His mercy preserved me sound in mind and enabled me to keep up good hope to the last. I was anxious about Loch, for he is not at all strong, and weakness of body is naturally sometimes attended with depression of mind ; but he behaved like a noble good fellow, and agreed in all I did. So, my dearest, you have nothing to do but rejoice, and see in my escape an answer to prayer and a proof of how mercifully our Heavenly Father preserves those who put their trust in Him.
It is altogether a remarkable adventure, and you may depend upon it that it is the last opportunity the Chinese will have of playing us such a trick. The Ambassadors are determined not to expose themselves or their people to any similar risk ; and hence their determination to hold a position which commands the city — or else the city itself. We are preparing there- fore to breach the wall and assault, unless the gate chosen by us be placed in our hands in two days' time. These days will be most critical ones for the Chinese. If they still hold out, there is nothing before us but the capture of Peking ; but as the Emperor, all the offensive princes, and chief men of the war party, have already run out of harm's way, those who are left behind and who are probably in favour of accommodation, may yet do something to bring this about. To Hang-ki I shall always feel under great obligations. He proved himself ... a sincere friend, and under Providence I think we owe our release to his counsels.
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 393
Later, when Hang-ki explained his mysterious whisper, i860 Parkes learned how narrow had been the escape. It ap- T * 32 peared that the war-party had persuaded the Emperor at Jehol to issue the order for the immediate execution of the prisoners, and Hang-ki's spy at Court in the very nick of time sent him the tidings that the order was on its way. The mandarin succeeded in getting the captives out of Peking by order of the Prince of Kung barely a quarter of an hour before the Emperor's messenger arrived. Had there been fifteen minutes' delay, nothing could have saved them.
During these twenty-one days Lord Elgin had been doing what he thought best to obtain the release of the prisoners. To return to the beginning : at ten o'clock on the morning of the 1 8th September the sound of a brisk cannonade was heard from the artillery in the distance, and at noon a Sikh brought in a letter from Parkes which had been written at 4.30 A.M. at Tung-chow, ' six miles from the proposed place of encampment for the army, four miles from Chang-kia-wan, and twenty-four miles from Ho-si-wu where I was residing.' He writes, says Lord Elgin, quoting only one characteristic para- graph of the letter : —
I am now starting with Colonel Walker and a Chinese officer to attempt the arrangement of the . . . camp- ing ground for the army. I then go to Chang-kia- wan to start supply work (also for the army) ; then come back to Tung -chow to get out the proclama- tion, upon which block-cutters have been at work during the night : and if time and physical strength will then admit, I shall ride back in the evening to Ho-si-wu that I may know your lordship's views on the question of audience, which the Chinese authorities will, I am sure, again recur to, the moment they see me. After midnight Lord Elgin received a pencil note from the General reporting the occurrences of the day, the trap that had been laid for the army, the defeat of the Chinese, and the capture of Parkes, Loch, and
394 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 the others. The Ambassador sent a reply by Colonel 1-32 Crealock at four in the morning of the 19th, advising the General to push on towards Peking, and followed himself an hour later, feeling that these were matters in which ' I should take my share of responsibility.' There is no doubt that the first impression in the army was a feeling of indignation that the diplomatists should have been so completely deceived, and that the troops should have been led into a trap. The feeling has not entirely evaporated in the generation that has passed since Sep- tember i860, and Parkes' conduct is still regarded as over-rash by military critics. There is always a good deal of this sort of mutual recrimination when soldiers and civilians have to work together. The several branches of the service naturally look upon the transactions from different points of view. That Parkes and his colleague Mr Wade were completely tricked by the Chinese Com- missioners is obvious ; but when an Imperial Prince solemnly pledges his word and sign-manual that there shall be peace the most suspicious of diplomatists may well lay aside his doubts. Parkes and Wade were sent to Tung-chow by Lord Elgin to negotiate the terms of peace ; they succeeded, and brought back a written agreement. There was nothing rash in this, nor after such agreement was there any temerity in Parkes' going again to Tung-chow to make preparations for the camping of the army and the reception of the Ambassador. Some one who spoke Chinese had to go, and previous experience had shown that the advance of interpreters under flags of truce was understood and respected by the Chinese. The previous interview on the 16th had been perfectly amicable, no hard words had been spoken, the pledges had been given in apparent good faith, and no single act or word pointed to treachery. It was said, indeed, that Parkes was warned by one of his companions on the ride to Tung-chow that treachery was intended, but no such warning was ever given. Mr Loch, who was at Parkes' side on the occasion, refers to such statements
xvii A PRISONER IN PEKING 395
with some amusement in a letter written to him from i860 London on 26th March 1 861, and adds, 'I have con- ^ T - 3 2 tented myself by simply contradicting them and by both publicly and privately exonerating you from any charge of rashness that might be founded on such statements.' It was also rumoured that (presumably after the discovery of the deception) Parkes taxed the Prince of I with his treachery in disrespectful language, and that this aggra- vated the catastrophe. There is absolutely no evidence to this effect, for no one who was with Parkes could understand Chinese ; but had he used all the terms of contempt which the Prince richly deserved, it could have made no difference. The treachery had been laid long before ; the interviews and concessions were all arranged, in accordance with the time-honoured principles of Chinese diplomacy, to gain time ; the Mongol troops had been massing for days in the neighbourhood with a view to a last effort of resistance ; and whatever Parkes said, or did not say, could have had no effect upon the result. And when it is suggested that the diplomatists, by their over- confidence, led the army into a trap, the reply is obvious : a general is bound to be on his guard against treachery in an enemy's country, let the diplomatists say what they may ; and considering that peace was not signed, but only the conditions determined, Sir Hope Grant would have been mad to trust to incomplete negotiations for the safety of his army.
Whatsoever criticisms may have been passed in the army upon the breakdown of diplomacy, the main and immediate thought was how to rescue the prisoners. On Lord Elgin's arrival at Chang-kia-wan on the 19th a consultation took place, and Mr Wade was sent out with a body of cavalry to Tung-chow to inform the Chinese that all English and French subjects must be allowed to return to their respective headquarters, or else ' the city of Peking would forthwith be attacked and taken.' Mr Wade's flag of truce was ignored and he was fired upon, but he managed to deliver his message at Tung-chow.
396 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 At first nothing could be learnt of the prisoners' fate, JEt ' 32 and it was feared they had been cut down by the Tartar army in the first exasperation of defeat : but at length news came that some of them had been seen in a cart on the road to Peking. Still there was little in the in- formation to reassure.
The armies still advanced, and on the 21st attacked and captured the Tartars' camps, after a sturdy engage- ment, in which Sangkolinsin himself commanded, at the bridge of Pa-li-chiao between Tung-chow and Peking. On the 22nd, after a silence of four days, a letter from the Chinese authorities was brought to the Ambassador. The Prince of Kung, brother of the Emperor, informed Lord Elgin that in consequence of the mismanagement of the Prince of I and his colleague, he had been appointed to treat for peace, and accordingly proposed an armistice to that end. Lord Elgin of course replied that the prisoners must first be given up. A delay of more than a fortnight followed, during which Lord Elgin entertained Prince Kung with discussions of the terms of peace, whilst still making the unconditional surrender of the prisoners a first requirement. Meanwhile the army pushed slowly onward, and on the 6th of October the Summer Palace was occupied. Three days later Parkes and Loch arrived in camp with six com- panions. It is perhaps hardly worth while to speculate whether a more rapid march, even if practicable, might have procured them a speedier release. The position was exceedingly difficult, and the ambassador acted with prudence, and was rewarded with partial success.
Two letters of Lord Elgin to Mrs Parkes are here subjoined. He and Mr Wade took every means in their power to allay the anxiety of the wife and sisters at home, which, in the days before telegraphic communica- tion, and with only a fortnightly mail, was naturally over- powering : —
Others are writing to you who will give you full details respecting the present position of Mr Parkes.
xvn A PRISONER IN PEKING 397
I only add a line to assure you that no one feels a i860 warmer interest in his welfare and safety than I do. ^ T - 32 His services during this campaign have been of the f . 5, . greatest value both to me and to the army, and have to Mrs raised him in the estimation of all who have had an Parke s opportunity of appreciating them. I earnestly hope from that within a few days we may have him among us Peking
Sept. 20
again. F
You will no doubt receive by this mail more con- Near elusive evidence than any which I can furnish of Mr P ekm s
_ , f . . r T , Oct. 9
Parkes being again safe among us. I must, however,
write a line to congratulate you on this happy event,
and to assure you that he seems to be none the worse
for the hardships which he has gone through. We
shall take care that he does not run any such risks
again.
Parkes and Loch were safe ; but the other prisoners'
fate was still uncertain, and the allies did what they
might perhaps have done earlier : they demanded the
surrender of one of the city gates of Peking as a
guarantee for the observance of that good faith which
the Chinese had so wantonly broken. The surrender was
negotiated by Parkes himself, who went into Peking, not
bound in a cart this time, but riding beside the divisional
General, Sir Robert Napier, afterwards Lord Napier of
Magdala : —
I am rejoiced to have the means of telling you that To his the Chinese yesterday surrendered one of the gates of ^ the city to us, and thus we may conclude that we have Peking seen the end of hostilities. Had they not made this 0ct - *4 surrender, our batteries would have opened at twelve o'clock upon the city, so that a very great weight is now taken off our minds, for although, humanly speak- ing, we could have taken the huge place without great difficulty, still we should have destroyed at the same time the government of the country and would have been left without people to treat with. It is even now difficult to say what course negotiations will take, for
398 LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 since I wrote you on the evening of the 9th we have
Mt. 32 received very sad information as to the fate of the rest of the prisoners. Eight Sikhs of the escort that took me into Tung-chow were given up yesterday, and one Frenchman ; two more Sikhs came in to-day ; and yesterday we were told by the Chinese authorities that these were all the prisoners that remained alive. The statement still requires confirmation, but we fear it may prove to be true. If so, then out of my party of nineteen Sikhs, one dragoon, and six gentlemen, — viz. Major Brabazon, Lieutenant Anderson, De Norman (of the Legation), Bowlby {Times correspondent), Loch, and myself, — the two last and nine Sikhs alone survive. Fifteen dead and eleven only saved ! What a mirac- ulous preservation I have had, and how grateful I ought to be to the great God who hears and answers prayer for having so mercifully spared me to you. . . . Oct. 14 The fate of our other poor countrymen causes
one common feeling of horror throughout the army. They were foully murdered. Tied hands and feet together, they were exposed in that state in an open court for three days and nights, very little food and water given to them, but blows in abundance. Delirium set in in some cases ; the ropes cut into their flesh and mortification ensued — but I cannot go on with the description. We are certain of the deaths of Lieutenant Anderson and De Norman, two noble fellows, especially the latter, who had become well known to me. He is the only son of his mother the Baroness de Norman. Anderson had greatly signalized himself in the Indian campaigns. Particulars of Major Brabazon's and Mr Bowlby's fate are still unknown to us : indeed we have not yet been distinctly told that they are dead, but we fear this must be the case. We are to have the bodies of every one surrendered. The French lose three officers, several men, and poor Abbe de Luc. . . .
Yesterday I had the satisfaction of going into
xvn A PRISONER IN PEKING 399
Peking in a very different way to the former occasion. i860 I rode in with Sir Robert Napier, to whom the gate JEt ' 32 was surrendered. It was literally at the eleventh hour, or at 11 A.M., that the Chinese assented to uncon- ditional surrender at a meeting which I conducted just under the walls. From that meeting we adjourned to the gate itself, some two miles off, and marched through its lofty portals as the clock struck twelve. Then followed the punishment. To make the Emperor and Government feel it in the most sensitive quarter, Lord Elgin ordered the burning of the Summer Palace. It was given to the flames on the 18th and 19th October. * The clouds of smoke,' said Mr Loch, * driven by the wind, hung like a vast pall over Peking.' The reasons which dictated this act are clearly stated in the following letter from Parkes, who was not consulted in the decision. From the dilettanti's point of view it was an act of vandalism : 1 from that of sound policy in China it was statesmanlike.
We have passed since I last wrote you on the 1 4th To his from a state of war to a state of peace, and have ^! fe .
r ' British
signed our Convention, exchanged the ratifications of Embassy the Treaty of 1858, and our people are now walking Pekin S about Peking in small parties of threes and fours very much in the way that we do at Canton. . . .
On the 13 th, as I told you, a gate of the city was placed in our hands, which gave us of course a great command over the place and would have ter- minated hostilities had it not been that the treatment of our prisoners was too atrocious to be passed [over]
1 The French, however, had looted or destroyed almost everything of value in it, and had already set fire to the Emperor's private apartments ; so there was less vandalism than is imagined by writers like Sir William Butler, who, in his biographical sketch of General Gordon, is led into serious errors of fact by excessive sentimentality. Most of the relics of the Imperial treasures which found their way to England we're bought from French soldiers. Our men were not allowed to loot, and the little that some officers took was given up to the prize fund. There are excellent accounts of Yuen Ming Yuen before the burning, and of the looting that went on under General Montauban's eyes, in Lord Wolseley's Narrative (1862), R. Swinhoe's North China Campaign (1861), and Rev. R. J. L. M'Ghee's How we got to Pekin (1861).
4 oo LIFE OF SIR HARRY PARKES chap.
i860 without exemplary punishment. But the difficulty was
JEt - 32 to know what punishment to inflict. Some advocated a heavy indemnity ; others the burning of Peking ; others the destruction of the Imperial Palace in the city. I think Lord Elgin came to the right decision in determining to raze to the ground all the palaces of Yuen Ming Yuen, the Emperor's Summer Palace, five miles outside Peking, where the Emperor and whole Court have lately spent two-thirds of their time, and where our poor countrymen were taken in the first instance and put to torture by direction of the Court itself. The allied troops had already plundered these palaces, or several of them, and some said that it was an ignoble sort of revenge on that account ; but there appeared to be no other choice than the destruction of the palace within the city (which had not been looted), and considering that Yuen Ming Yuen was the scene of the atrocities committed on our countrymen, I con- sider that it was the proper one of the two to make a monumental ruin of. To have burnt Peking would have been simply wicked, as the people of the city, who would in that case be the sufferers, had done us no harm. At Yuen Ming Yuen we could only injure the Court. This palace has with the Chinese very much the position that Buckingham Palace has with us, as compared with St. James's. To have exacted a national indemnity for the murder of our countrymen would have been to make money out of their blood. So Yuen Ming Yuen was doomed, but an ample com- pensation of half a million of taels was demanded for the families of the deceased. The last scene in the Chinese drama took place on the 27 th : —
To his The Embassy took up its quarters in the city of
Wife Peking on the afternoon of the 27th, escorted by the
Peking Royals and about fifty cavalry.
The residence we have chosen is no other than the palace of the Prince of I — that false wretch who with
xvn A PRISONER IN PEKING 401
Sangkolinsin planned and compassed my seizure at i860 the time he was treating with me. He has accom- ^ T - 32 panied the Emperor on his flight into Tartary, so his house was vacant. The representative of the Queen was at last within the walls of Peking. The long struggle of twenty years had ended in victory. Half measures had been tried, and failed, and tried again. At length the only step that could decide the issue for ever was taken, and what ought to have been done in 1842, what was obtained and then abandoned in 1858, had finally, after a treacherous tragedy, been accomplished. And the boy who had stood by whilst the Treaty of Nanking was signed eighteen years before, who had stood in the front rank of the contest ever since, took his part in the crowning act.
