邓小平盖棺六论定 |
送交者: 金无明 2023年10月01日13:44:07 于 [茗香茶语] 发送悄悄话 |
邓小平盖棺六论定 ----- Forwarded Message ----- From: >To: "Sent: Sunday, October 1, 2023 at 03:05:53 PM CDTSubject: Deng Xiao-ping's Eulogy (邓小平盖棺六论定) Re: 24th Anniversary of Deng Xiaoping’s Death It'll be much better off for Chinese should Deng never exist. Deng: (邓小平盖棺六论定 如果邓不存在的话,中国人的境况会好得多。 邓: 1.毛泽东伟大革命的叛徒。 2.自晚清以来第一号帝国主义支持的颜色革命者,他使中国陷入另一轮次殖民国家。 3.半导体、大飞机等中国高科技产业的杀手,造成了当今致命的后果。 4.中国超大规模腐败的温床,遍及中国各个角落;邓小平引发的这种腐败现象在今天还没有任何解决办法,无论有没有习近平。 5.言行不一的反统一分子;他的“一国两制”把香港、台湾搞得一团糟。 6.帝国主义第五纵队的忠实走狗。) 李良 编者按:这是一篇我欲推荐的文章。文章的名称足《如何实事求是地评价邓小平》作者是 孔德友。截止此时,该文章己经被180余家博客转载。 文章比较长我拷贝下来之后用了灯页.但是我从真地阅读了全文。这是篇平述朴实的文字像是在思考的过程中窃窃私语,没有哗众取宠之意l句也没有激愤无羁之情态。像是在认在地讨沦和讲道理故此转载如下. 注:此文转载自“大别山剑客(博客).对本文章之外的文字进行了删除。 我们先看看邓小平的功绩: 邓小平的主要功绩就在于他顺应了人的心思 和事物的自然规律来制定政策。
一就是放任撒鸭子过河、放任自流,有风的使风有雨的使雨,八仙过海各显其能。人们不愿意受到管制和约束这叫束缚生产力的发展,那
就采取放的政策,解除约束生产力发展的因素
具体表现在:改革开放。农村解体生产队、取消人民公社,实行包产到户,即三自一包。党政分开、政企分开、简政放权。拍卖中小型国有集体
企业工人下岗自主择业双向选择、市场经济、对外开放、一国两制、摸着石头过河等等。开始时确实极大地调动了人们的积极性,使我国的物质逐渐丰富起来,经济得到空前的发展。
二是思想解放肯定私心和私有的合理性让人的自私木性充分发挥曰:人性-一人都有私心.人不为己天诛地火嘛.因此他重新建立了他的社会制度。允许一部分地区、一部分人先富裕起来,曰:先富带后富。实行多种经济形式并存的所有制形式集中体现在白猫黑猫论、南巡讲话。使个人发家致富的愿望得到空前的释放这是史无前例的。人的胆子也越来越大出现了很多夜暴富的典型。
三是打破分配上的平均主义.允许有差距存在。扶持一部分人快速致富成为新的社会阶层,
制造出新的生产资料所有者和打工者,即老板和工人、经理和职员。
四是取消了阶级论、实行公民论,让社会上不再以好人与坏人、先进与落后来划分人群。取消阶级间的不公平即无论是什么阶级都一样对待。作为无产阶级没有什么光荣,因为贫穷不是社会主义;剥削者也没有什么可耻所谓的先富之人嘛。无产阶级应当像资产阶级学习看齐,工人名为领导阶级,但实质却完全不是这样的。因此只有新生的资产阶层才是我们中国政府和中国共产党所支持所依赖的主力,他们才是领导我们中国的主力军.是中国的前途和希望。阶级熄灭了,阶级斗争也就熄灭了,人们之问没有了斗争只有了和谐与发展,无产阶级必须与资产阶级搞好和谐,自己才能有工做、有饭吃,否则是死路
一条。
毛泽东时代用毕生的精力和心血去培养的党员和人民后代,在教育党员和后代的过程中让他们形成为人民服务的思想。邓小平采取最省事的办法,就是恢复人的本来面目。不管你了,
学坏就学坏学好就学好那部是你自己的事情,学坏让我发现就治你的罪,没有发现算你幸运。
这叫依法治国,把责任交给法律,可是法律不健全,那就让他们任意的钻法律的空子,出现了腐败分子、黑恶势力、黄赌毒、坑蒙拐骗、制假贩假等社会上种种丑恶的人和事。
邓小平把毛泽东同志说的做的很多事给翻过来做这是其思想的一个特点。邓小平称自己是党的第二代领导人,这个不准确:他应该是第一
代领导集体里面的成员。他也许是个成功的政客,但他不是一个真正的划时代的思想家。
邓小平当政期间我们党内的政治生活极其不正常,他违背了我们党的章程中党对军队的绝对领导权,违背了党指挥枪的原则,而实行枪指挥党。其中有两任半在这种不正常的政治生活中度过。于是有人说是垂帘听政。
被批判过的、他的唯生产力理论,在他当政期问也得到平反,并提出科学技术是第一生产力理论;"100年不动摇、100年不变”都是犯了是极端主义的错误。马克思认为人是生产力当中最活跃的因素,是科学。而把科学技术凌驾于人之上,就轻视人的作用。孰不知任何科学技术都是人创造、人利用的,应该说掌握先进科学技术的人是第一生产力。事实也说明了人的重要性,像钱学森、华罗庚等。他一面高喊改革开放积极求变,一面又说100年不变,这不是自相矛盾?事物都是在不断的发展变化的谁又能够保证100年一
成不变。 更多深度内幕好文查阅请加微信xnz620
改革开放的30年实际上是一场空前的经济大革命,与文化大革命相反走了极端。马克思主
义讲的是政治经济学是政治与经济的统一,既要强调政治也要强调经济搞突出政治和突出经济都不是马克思主义的观点。如果硬说文化大革命是“十年浩劫”给我们党、国家和人民造成
了“严重损失”,那么30年改革开放所造成的经济和干部的损失,特别是政治的损失不知是文化大革命的多少倍。可以说现在哪个地方也没有一
块净土,到处都是烂摊子。从解体生产队到拍卖国有集体企业盲目上项目等造成的国有资产流失无法估最。我们党的整个干部队伍由于思想的“解放”造成的腐败习气和贪污受贿、大吃大
喝、读职失职等一系列问题而带来的损失无法估 量。我们的干部和人民在思想L、精神上的混 乱,造成社会风气败坏、党风败坏,给我们党的
前途、国家的命运、人民的幸福造成的损失无法估量。目前不要被国家统计局的数字所迷惑,他们的工作人民都清楚是怎么回事,向来是报喜不
报忧。要看到我们的大多数人民的手中是没有积蓄的,多数为了治病、买房、供子女上学等还是负债累累,房奴、医奴、学奴、老奴、性奴、黑奴、蚁族都是真实的存在,很多人要是几个月没有工作特别是城市居民就会沦为乞丐,这是中国
的真实国情。 现在我们的生活水平真的提高了吗,没有。
因为计划生育的政策现在市民一般只生一个孩子,农村也就是两个,这样夫妻两个人的年收入平均成3-4份,比过去夫妻两生育5-10个孩子,把两个人的收入平均分成7-12份,我们的生活水平理当提高1-4倍。试想现在的夫妻两个人收入供4-8个孩子上学,我们是不是也要穿补丁的衣服吃玉米面的窝窝头,恐怕还是不够过。
因此说,没有计划生育政策,我们的生活水平还是30年前,也就是极少数人一“先富一
族”生活水平有了极大的提高,多数打工的和农村的没有什么两样,照样是低水平维持而己。之
所以被眼前表面现象所迷惑,是因为市场上的物质有了极大的丰富,但普通老百姓能承受的物质生活资料甚至是有毒的垃圾食品。
教育更成问题。一直被整个社会所垢病。
喜欢评价和找领袖的不是?文革出了问题怪毛主席,改革出了问题怪邓小平,党内出了腐败怪江泽民,腐败控制不住怪胡主席。以后江山丢了、变质了又怪谁去?
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这是小平找领袖的不是.不是我们百姓在找领袖的不是,百姓找也是没有用的,既写不进历史也写不进党章和中央文件。毛泽东的问题不是有中央的文件在作证吗?那都是按照邓小平的意思写的,说是历史事实,谁敢瞪着眼说不是。邓小平找领袖的不是开了先河起了带头作用,“文
革出了问题怪毛主席,改革出了问题怪邓小平,
党内出了腐败怪江泽民,腐败控制不住怪胡主席。”这是一种推卸责任的论调。毛泽东能够承担责任,邓小平为什么不敢承担贵任?我们的党中央为什么不把邓小平的功过是非做一评论?小平聪明和小平参加革命都是事实,但是小平三起
三落不是他没有错误!难道当时的党中央冤枉他了吗,现在有跟党中央对着干的政治局常委,总书记就能够容忍吗?邓小平不是先后两次把不听他的话的总书记拿下来了嘛。事情都要辩证的看,不要光看毛泽东的不是而不看邓小平的缺点,他当时和党中央唱反调是哪个领袖都不能够容忍的。难道现在就没有冤假错案吗?有----比比皆是。哪个腐败案件现在不是不了了之,查不到底,遇到大的就结案找个替罪羊。那个替罪羊不冤吗!一个家庭搞不好就是家长的责任,一个
乡镇搞不好就是乡镇长的责任,一个省市搞不好就是省市长的责任,一个国家搞不好就是国家领导人的责任,这还有推卸责任的理由吗?
搞“株连九族”把封建皇权统治思想引入到党内,这对革命和建设起了很大的阻碍和伤害作用,这种伤害总是历史轮回着遗憾。
从现在看,一人得道鸡犬升天.有福同享有难就不能够同当了。株连制是中国的国情,一
个腐败分子为他的子女亲戚违背了多少党的原则,损害了多少党和国家人民的利益,高干及其子女
的传闻少吗?都是空穴来风吗?就是因为取消了株连制,才使官僚主义肆无忌禅、十分嚣张。也像 毛主席当年铁腕无情,刘青山张子善贪污上百
万,执行枪决决不手软,敢不敢?
现在中央不再提毛泽东思想了,直接就是邓小平理论、三个代表、科学发展观。因为毛泽东思想与现时的政治环境不符了.所以不提了。邓小平搞翻案把毛泽东时代的事情全给倒过来了搞,薄一波晚年说:“我算看清楚了,他就是和毛主席反着干”。这样继续下去,毛泽东思想早晚是要灭亡和消失的。现在从国际看苏联解体,东欧剧变,古巴越南朝鲜等社会主义国家我们认为贫困,社会主义阵营逐步瓦解,就认为走社会主义道路是死路一条?当前面临走资本主义道路还是社会主义道路问题,中央是不管姓社姓资只要有钱就可以了。也就是不管国家发展目标,只要现在有钱就是好社会。行吗?
为什么现在是谁也管不了谁,谁也不听谁的话呢?从根本上还是政策问题,确实我们的各项政策不能够互相牵制和互相约束,造成不平衡不平等。有权有钱的什么事情都可以办,没钱没权的什么也不怕,你说这个社会谁怕谁?
毛泽东的境界就是他的无私,心中只有国家、人民的利益,而没有自己的私利考虑的是党和国家人民的前途和命运而不是自己的命运。特别是毛岸英的牺牲更显示了毛泽东思想的无私,显示毛泽东是一位真真正正的无产阶级革命家、政治家、思想家、理论家和共产主义战
士。而邓小平首先想到的是自己及其子女亲属和朋友,记着文革时期照顾他的人,想到的是为自己平反昭雪。否定毛泽东时期中央的决定。他不
是三次给毛泽东同志写保证书吗,说永不翻案、 不搞秋后算账。可是他出尔反尔言行不一,说一 套做一套。当毛泽东去世后认为山中无老虎猴子
称大王,大张旗鼓的批评毛泽东给毛泽东定罪,搞彻底的翻案活动,实行一朝天子一朝臣的政策。并重重徘挤和打击了在文化大革命中的老干部。
领袖的作用就是代表人民的利益,“上有政 策,下有对策’是中国目前的困局。
上有政策下有对策不是领袖的贵任吗?领袖讲的话太多,下面落实不了,所以才上有政策下有对策,领袖说一句就要落实一句,一竿子插到底。这件事清还没有办完,没有什么眉目呢,又
来了那件事清,就像反腐败似的没有真正的动作只是喊口号,造声势,就是没有实际的。下面害怕你中央什么,犯罪你都不管你还管得了什么?
邓小平的“摸论’‘是种只顾眼前利益没有长远打算、胸中无墨的表现。我们过河非得去摸石头吗,没有更好的过河办法?修桥、造船等稳妥的办法不想,非得让老百姓不顾生死地去摸石头过河?搞改革开放不就是把资本主义的东西引进中国社会,不就是在照搬资本主义社会的经验搞市场经济吗?摸论说白了就是冲破毛泽东思想的束缚,冲破社会主义束缚,大胆的在社会主义国家搞资本主义。在中国是没有现成的经验,
但是有一条可以肯定,就足把仁毛席说的做的都给翻过来。
人们为什么端起碗吃肉放卜碗骂娘呢,怎么会出现这种现象呢?就是社会严重分配不公,才出现人们不知足、心里不平衡的怪现象。现在确
实有很多分配不公的地方。比如工人与公务员的工资差距不公,不发达地区与发达地区的工资收入不公,勤劳不能致富,靠权力才能致富。辛辛苦苦干一辈子不如有个好爸爸干几天就可以当官了。我才贪污10万就被审查、可是人家贪污100
万1000万几个亿的呢都没事呢。地区差别、单位差别、城乡差别、行业差别、权利差别,都是造成人们心里不平衡和社会分配不公的原因,怎么
解决这些不平衡和不平等,要靠中央的政策,靠领导的才干。我们的中央,我们的共产党,本来应该一碗水端平、手心手背部是肉,不要搞亲疏远近之分。一碗水端平不是平均主义,是处理问题必须公平合理,几千年来中国历史,不患寡,患不均。现在的信贷政策还不是对准少数人的政策吗?今天的分配不公那己经涉及到方方面面各个角落。虽然现在中央提出改革开放的成果人民共享.也做了一些善事像合作医疗、廉租房、
农村养老保险、减免学费农业税、种地补助等等,但是很多都是在前30年毛泽东时代都实行过的事情、是社会主义制度优越性的一部分。改革的初期都作为社会发展的包袱给砍了。我们现在的公民的福利待遇与其他发达资本主义国家的公民的福利待遇,特别是欧洲相差甚远。欧美从怀孕到出生到18岁国家都有补贴费用,老了都有养老金。我们执政党所做的离30年前还有一段距离,离资木主义国家更有段距离,中国特色的社会主义国家有什么值得骄傲的。要看到我们的不足和差距才能够有所发展。
现在有的人否认马克思的政治经济学,认为经济学就是经济学,政治学就是政治学,把马克思的政治经济学说成是经济学进行歪曲。没有党的政策和外交政策这些政治手段哪有经济的发展和对外贸易?战争是经济战也是政治战。孤立的看政治、孤立的看经济都不是马克思主义,也不是现实主义不是实事求是的。就是一种没有政治头脑的人,企图愚民。
邓小平的阶级斗争熄灭论是针对毛泽东的
无产阶级文化大革命的理论和马克思的阶级斗争学说的。阶级斗争熄灭论实际上就是取消了人民的概念实行公民论,现在没有好赖人,没有了政治株连制、造成好人不香坏人不臭、有奶便是娘、有钱便是爷的社会。这个根本不是共产党领导的社会——可能是封建社会也可能是资本主义社会,也可能是邓小平创造的封建资本主义社会,也叫中国特色社会主义。这从根本上颜覆了我国人民当家做主的根本制度,造成腐败横行,黑恶势力猖撅,黄赌毒假泛滥;人们思想混乱,社会秩序混乱。好人没有出路坏人才能当道。恶人得势好人遭殃。
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歪曲历史事实,瞪着眼说瞎话,就是玩政治权术。所谓的“骚乱”就是人民的反腐行动,所谓胜者王侯败者贼。谁当家向着谁说,就是中国的政客.很多中国的政客,都是瞪着眼说瞎话,把白的说成是黑的,把黑的说成是白的。
反对毛泽东的人,一般是有私心的人,起码他没有站在无产阶级的立场上,没有站在人民的立场上。可以说都是别有用心的。
房改的实情是什么?现在是开发商与政府勾结,与黑社会勾结,用警察、地痞流氓的各种手段,威胁恐吓制造各种人问悲剧。造成死亡的有多少,造成群体事件有多少?我们的党和政府要站在人民的利益和角度去想问题看问题,老百姓要什么,不就是要自己的个窝吗?不像有的当官的人家送礼就是几套别墅,他们来的钱和房子都是举手之劳,说句话签个字表示同意拿着人民给的权利用一下,就换来很多的房子和金钱,文强只是一个。老百姓不行,他们挣的是血汗钱,辛辛苦苦干一年也不见得剩下几百几千几万,住的房子是靠牙缝里和节衣缩食几十年的辛苦攒卜来的。你动他的房子就是要他的命。他们有要求也是合理的人之常情。舆论说的顽民、钉子户那也是遇到了黑社会的地痞流氓,真正的老百姓哪能整得过开发商?只有上访告状的出路。
邓小平死了好些年了,现在的事情应该怪谁。你说不怪上边怪下边那也不假,你在深圳打工不给你开工资,那只能怪你们厂子的会计、出纳,不怪老板下边的人真是不会办事太黑了,把你们的工资都给贪污了。天下有这样的道理吗?
邓小平的唯生产力论、阶级斗争熄灭轮、三自一包、四大自由、以及猫论、摸论、三个有利于论、胆大论、一国两制论等都是违背马克思列宁主义毛泽东思想的缪论。
看了2010年两会后急理答记者问上说了一句话,现在还是穷人多是大多数,这话是很贴近实际很实事求是的,三次到河北承德滦平地区考察看到农村虽然发生了变化,但是北京和上海不能够代表中国的经济发展水平,代表中国的经济水平的还是农村的那个大多数。让我们看到了我们的政府我们的党还能务实不务虚,敢于讲真话讲实话。没有被眼前的数字和灯红酒绿所迷惑。
毛泽东的政策是弱国穷民吗?不是,他不过主
张依靠集体的力最来实现共同富裕。因为我们中国的新民主主义革命到社会主义改造的事实证明了只有集体的力量是无穷的,解放后我们很多的社会主义建设的事实也充分证明了团结的力量集体的力量。但是邓小平强调的是个人的力量,强调个人的私心,毛泽东的集休主义思想与邓小平的个人主义思想是完全相反的。事实证明发展私有制培养了人们的私心、鼓励少数人先富裕起来,他们是不会管其他人富不富裕的——暂时历史的事实。只有国家、党才有可能真正管大多数人的事情。
这么多年我们党的政策实际上是一直扶持少数人,把国家的财富和政策力量放在少数人身上。因此造成了社会的不公平、失去了正义、丧失了我们党的宗旨。
前三十年中国搞得是贫穷社会主义吗?不是.我们的共产党是让老百姓不过好日子吗?显然也不是,是邓小平给毛泽东和前三十年强加的罪名。
邓小平搞阶级斗争熄灭论,实际上阶级斗争一刻也没有停止过。在中国,无产阶级与资产阶级,社会主义与资本主义的斗争一刻也没有停止,表现在我们党的政策上就是个人主义与集体主义,私有制与公有制两条路线的斗争。
毛泽东和邓小平的出发点部是想让中国和中国人民都强大和富裕起来。但是路线不同,毛泽东强调的是集体的力量,通过走集体国有道路来实现共同富裕,消灭私有制消灭私心建立社会主义最终实现共产主义。但是邓小平却是主张我们,是社会主义初级阶段,共产主义离我们很遥远,认为共产主义很难实现。其实是动摇了我们共产
党的信仰,主张个人主义,承认、提倡私心、鼓吹人不为己天诛地灭的理论。他的一系列论断都是围着少数人服务的,我们的政府也就为少数人大开方便之门,因此就提倡少数人先富起来。一发展私有制必然要产生两极分化,邓小平说
过:“我们如果两极分化那我们的改革就失败了”,但是现在又有谁去听邓小平的话呢?改革失败了,我们却不承认失败,这己经不是邓小平的意思了。
我们怎么在邓小平和毛泽东之间找出一条社会主义共同富裕的道路,是我们侮个中国人、中国共产党人特别是现在的当权者值得深思的问题。那就是又能够调动人们的生产积极性创造性,又能够激发集体主义精神。这就要靠我们的立脚点我们的政策的调控,我认为我们的理论要与我们的政策和人民的实际相结合,确实体现社会主
义、共产主义、民主、人权。
就邓小平的理论素质和文化水平与毛泽东相比相差甚远。毛泽东言辞可以叫文章、著作,
邓小平的理论就是叫谈话,他没有什么条理依据,就是想怎么说就怎么说的,看看邓小平的文选就知道他是一个言行不一,前后矛盾的人。
不能够旗帜鲜明是当今共产党人的通病,什么事情都是说得里外都是理,正反都是人。坐着说话不腰疼。共产党的江山就要毁在像这样的人手里。
其实做人也好做领导也好当领袖也好,首先的还是做人。作出事来可以拿到桌面上,可以让大家评,不能背地里干一套,说的又是另一套。
对人民撒谎.又要躲猫猫说是为人民服务。我认为国家领导人不是总想着首先对得起某个人而是要先对得起人民和历史。
我认为毛泽东同志对邓小平还是仁至义尽的,对他的二起三落和保证,毛泽东实在无法再信任他,才选择了其他接班人。毛邓的斗争是两条路线的斗争,毛是集体公有共同,邓是个人私有到共同,事实证明在培养私心的前提下只能是个人顾个人,两极分化,先富带后富、先富帮后富是不可能的事清。只有走集体的道路才能够达到共同富裕,像华西村很多集体经济好的现象是铁的事实。
打倒一派利用一派邀功买好,是两面派的手法。我们党讲究惩前毖后治病救人,采取批评教育的方法。依法治国把什么事情都交给法律那是资本主义社会的那套,我们在法律还不健全的情况下加强行政管理和监督加强党的领导,开展整党整风运动是十分必要的,是保持我党先进性保持我党机体健康的重要保障。是我们共产党
区别其他政党的根本标志。(完) 评:
显然这篇文章是在七、八年前写的,那时人们还对特色党这个假共产党抱有它会承认错误并改过自新的希望,但是,历史和事实证明这些希望是完全落空了。它不但不改正错误,反而变本加厉,拒不承认错误不说,更进一步地为非作歹、倒行逆施,不可终日,直到灭亡。
作者在文中对邓小平这个两面派和无产阶级的最大叛徒虽然有所刻画和解释,但是还不够彻底;也就因此出现妥协与点到为止的遗憾。其实,
邓小平及其带领的特色党盗国集团不但出卖和颠覆了中国无产阶级社会主义革命,而且阻碍和推迟了世界革命的进程,因此其罪大恶极绝不限于摧毁中国一国的人民革命事业,而是包括全世界在内。
中国和世界人民的第二次社会主义革命时代已经日渐逼近,暴力推翻资本主义制度的革命起义不可避免。二次文革的胜利一定会到来,人民当家作主、翻身解放的日子不会太远了。[Mark
Wain 2019-03-23] *3
北京(为郑州之误)街头惊现为文革全面翻案的数十张大字报 dujia People who study history always like to say that history is inevitable, and individuals are only driven by history. This view is very banal and is particularly inconsistent with China's national conditions.
There is a saying that Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening up was just a historical accident. If Deng Xiaoping had not been there at that time, other leaders would have carried out reform and opening up.
This view seems untenable.
It can be said: without Deng Xiaoping, there would be no reform and opening up.
Although it is in line with the general trend, it is difficult to say whether the reform is inevitable, whether it will be of such strength and courage, whether it will be in this form, at this speed and on this scale. Look at the neighbors to the east. They may not have the call for reform and the historical necessity. What has been changed in the past few decades?
People today simply cannot imagine how rigid the entire society’s thinking was just after the Cultural Revolution. If Deng Xiaoping had not come out at that time, the most we could do was return to the line before the Cultural Revolution in the 1950s and 1960s. Of course, it would be more pragmatic than the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution, with minor repairs, but today's fully open and market economy is a no-brainer.
No matter how reasonable the historical trend is, it will be impossible to achieve if there is no strong will to promote it.
The tide of history is fleeting and never returns. Looking at some key nodes in China's modern history, opportunities have all been missed due to a combination of circumstances.
What is valuable about Xiaoping is that he did not give in internally, kept a low profile externally, firmly grasped the rare international environment in these decades, and decisively pushed China to a higher level. If we had been dithering and indecisive back then, and it had dragged on until today's eagerly awaited Trump era, we would never have been able to open up again.
The significance of Xiaoping goes beyond rigid ideological discourse. He is a practical person. He knows that the most important thing in China is not words but actions. What he wants for the people is dignity, not face. So he said there was no argument. His strategy was to do what he could and leave what he couldn't do to the future.
There are some things that cannot be argued about, productivity cannot be argued about, and comprehensive strength cannot be argued about.
No country wins by talking.
At the closing meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China’s work conference on December 13, 1978, Xiaoping gave a speech titled “Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth from Facts, Unite and Look Forward.” Don’t underestimate this seemingly ordinary title, it actually contains the basic force behind China’s earth-shattering changes.
Under the historical conditions at that time, these three sentences had rich subtext, high political wisdom, and endless follow-up possibilities. Except for Xiaoping, no one else would have thought of these three sentences, they would not dare to say them even if they thought of them, and it would be useless to say them.
Today’s huge wave of studying abroad was also driven by Xiaoping’s decision.
Traveling back to 1977, if you think about the level of understanding of yourself and the people around you at that time, you will understand that the ideological emancipation promoted by Xiaoping is really remarkable. This alone kills his peers instantly.
On August 3, 1977, Xiaoping presided over a symposium on science and education work. At the meeting, Wen Yuankai, a brave leader in education reform at the time, proposed a 16-character plan for the restoration of the college entrance examination: "voluntary application, leadership approval, strict examination, and merit-based admission."
After hearing this, Xiaoping said on the spot: Wen Yuankai, at least accept three-quarters of your proposal. The second sentence "leadership approval" can be removed. It is everyone's right to enter college and does not require leadership approval.
No leadership approval is required. This is simply unprecedented and has shocked many people. If the leaders don’t approve it, what should we do? Will you make mistakes? If the leader does not approve, where is the authority of the leader? Where is the authority of the party committee?
Sorry, some things are just personal rights and really don’t require leadership approval. Leaders worry too much and sometimes need to take a break. Xiaoping was so open-minded and clear. Stop
going to the mountains and countryside, and let the educated youth
return to the city. There were no jobs in the city at that time, and it
was difficult to accept so many people at once. What if we couldn't
resettle them, or what if they caused a big mess? Who dared to take
this decision? Deng Xiaoping. There are many obstacles to implementing household responsibility, and most cadres do not agree. On
May 31, 1980, Xiaoping had a talk with the responsible comrades of the
central government, and at a critical moment expressed his support for
the rural household responsibility policy, which was full of
resistance. The second volume of "Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping" contains this speech, titled "On Rural Policy Issues". A person who can truly promote history needs to possess three basic conditions: vision, will, and prestige. There were not many in China in 1977 who had one of the three, and there were also two who had the other. Xiaoping is the only one who possesses all three. But
Xiaoping does not seem to be a person with grand ideas, profound
thoughts, and ideal vision. People who criticize him today often use
the "cat theory" and "crossing the river by feeling for the stones"
theory. In fact, they said exactly the opposite. The most remarkable thing is to cross the river by feeling the stones without making grand ideas. Historically,
all kinds of empty promises and beautiful slogans have caused misery
to people, but Xiaoping was unwilling to do that. The most admirable thing is Deng Xiaoping's trust and letting go of his subordinates. He
honestly admitted that he didn't have any ideas. He just wanted the
people below to free their minds, be bolder, move faster, do it first,
then correct mistakes, and don't go too far. What this embodies is China’s traditional philosophy of governing the country. The top level governs by doing nothing. The inaction of the upper levels mobilizes the active actions of the lower levels. Deng Xiaoping once said: "Our government regulates too much and should regulate as little as possible." If
someone takes less care, someone will do more; more work from above
will add chaos, but more work from below will lead to real
productivity. He also said to Jin Yong: "Politicians should not have too many ideas." There
is no saint who knows everything, and it is impossible for a leader to
have many ideas and take care of everything. His speech must be
important and his instructions must be wise. Such people do not exist. The so-called "no fuss" means to govern by doing nothing. Doing
nothing does not mean not doing anything. On the contrary, doing
nothing does not mean doing anything, giving space to the people and
giving the public a choice. This is the essence of ideological
liberation. Deng Xiaoping's vision, will, and prestige were formed through his accumulation of experiences throughout his life. There
are not many people who have experienced ups and downs like him. He
has experienced training in all key positions such as the party,
government, military, central government, local culture, science and
technology, diplomacy, etc. The more he sees, the more he thinks, and
his thinking is not so narrow. He
went to France at the age of 16. From 1920 to 1926, he spent his most
golden youth in France, which was also a critical period in the shaping
of knowledge structure and values. When
he visited France in 1975, he visited factories and rural areas and
witnessed the tremendous changes that had taken place in France. When
Deng Xiaoping went to the United Nations General Assembly to give a
speech, he was asked what he wanted to see most. He said: Wall Street. Deng
Xiaoping was a man who looked at the world with his eyes open. He had
the country in his heart and looked at the world in his eyes. He was
neither closed-minded nor messy. When he was alive, there were always people clamoring for a full-scale confrontation with the United States. Deng
Xiaoping said: I can play bridge. Don’t think it’s great if you have
four kings. Don’t forget that others also have four aces. Not being confrontational does not mean you are weak. In terms of diplomacy, Deng Xiaoping adhered to a pragmatic line, which is also an internationally accepted norm. After
his visit to the United States, he severely taught his Vietnamese
opponent a lesson to this evil neighbor, which also made the Soviet
Union scruple and restrain itself, thus creating a good open
environment for China. He is not a man who cannot bend, but he has his bottom line. Today and when Xiaoping was alive, many people scolded him. This is actually what made Xiaoping so great. You only have to try scolding leaders in the era before him to understand. So, is it because he doesn’t have the ability to shut up those who scold him? No, he is a super political strongman and has this ability. Nor
did he engage in a personality cult when his prestige was at its peak.
If he had done that, he would have easily become a god in China, and
those who scold him today would simply worship him. As
we commemorate the 40th anniversary of reform and opening up, there is
one leader recognized by the world, and that is Deng Xiaoping. As
a historical figure, Comrade Xiaoping must also accept historical
evaluation. Regardless of the evaluation, Comrade Xiaoping is the most
important pioneer of China's reform and opening up. It was the reform
he led that completely changed the long-term "shortage" situation after
the founding of New China. "Economic" reality has subjectively and
objectively promoted changes in China's political, social, ideological,
cultural and other fields. Without Comrade Deng Xiaoping, China's history would have been rewritten. For
a long time, Comrade Xiaoping's popularity was unparalleled, which led
to the emergence of Deng Xiaoping Theory, which was the consensus
formed by the whole party during the reform and opening up. This also reflects the vast majority of people’s understanding of reform and opening up. However,
it seems that in recent years, some differences have arisen in society
regarding the evaluation of Comrade Xiaoping, and the focus of the
differences lies in some of the "by-products" derived from the reform
and opening up process - corruption, the gap between rich and poor,
ideological confusion, Many problems such as the spread of
neoliberalism and moral decline have been attributed to Comrade
Xiaoping, as if his principles and policies led to negative phenomena
in the future. This raises the question of how we evaluate a leader. There
are three dimensions to evaluate a leader: mission, responsibility and
"limitations". Comrade Xiaoping can be evaluated from these three
dimensions. Every generation has its problems, and the concentrated expression of these problems is the main contradiction of an era. It
is the mission of contemporary leaders to break through, break through
and resolve the main contradictions. Those who follow the trend will
prosper, and those who go against it will perish - this is in line with
historical determinism. At that time, the main contradiction was "the contradiction between the people's growing material and cultural needs and backward social production." The top priority was that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had collapsed. If the Chinese people continued to be poor, there would be no way out for socialism. Whether one can recognize this principal contradiction and see this historical mission is the first "big test" for a leader. There is no doubt that Deng Xiaoping was always sober.
The mission is on our shoulders, but not everyone may dare to take it on. Gorbachev escaped and suffered a complete defeat, always reminding us of the importance of a leader's responsibility. On the issue of responsibility, Comrade Xiaoping did not hesitate at all. Regarding
reform and opening up, the resistance within the party is far greater
than we imagined. In the face of resistance, Comrade Xiaoping did not
take "small steps slowly" but "big strides fast", so that even the
Western world misjudged China ( Think that China has "peacefully
evolved"). Comrades
are confused about how much pressure Deng Xiaoping had to bear for
such a big-step reform. It can be said that without Comrade Xiaoping's
responsibility, China today would not have such great achievements. Finally,
we have to talk about "limitations." The reason why we put them in
double quotation marks is because this limitation is not a personal
limitation of the leader, but a historical limitation. It is remarkable for one generation to overcome and solve the most urgent and critical problems of that generation. You cannot expect one person to solve all problems. In that case, what will future generations do? As
each problem is solved, the principal contradiction will inevitably
change from quantitative to qualitative, creating new problems one
after another, thus forming new principal contradictions. The
new problems arising under this old historical environment are the
limitations of history and need to be solved under the new political,
economic and cultural conditions. Deng
Xiaoping's principles and policies were correct for his era, but as
time and environmental conditions change, these principles and policies
must be adjusted. All
of these constitute the new mission of the successors, which is
consistent with the understanding of historical materialism. It is irresponsible to blame new problems on historical figures. Similarly,
it is equally unscientific and irrational to use current vision and
standards to criticize past consciousness and behavior. Corruption,
the gap between rich and poor, ideological confusion, the
proliferation of neoliberalism, and moral decline... These problems do
exist, and some of them are indeed caused by some policy mistakes in
the process of reform and opening up, but all of these are what we need
to deal with today. studied and solved under historical conditions. During
his lifetime, Comrade Xiaoping saw the signs of these problems and
warned of them. It can be said that his historical mission has been
overfulfilled, and we have no reason to be harsh on him. What we need is Deng Xiaoping's wisdom and courage to solve the current problems. Just speak human words for the common people https://freewechat.com/a/MzI0ODI0NDc5MQ==/2649437225/1 Abv copied from :- Daniel Tu Founder and Managing Director at Active Creation Capital After nearly 20,000 views.... My post from May 2022 "Direct, deliberate and timely" in which I shared an article about the late 邓小平 - "不折腾是最高的智慧和善政" (Avoiding self-inflicted complication is the highest level of wisdom and good politics) - generated much feedback. Regrettably, I was recently informed that the original link to the essay was taken down, as expected. Given China's current situation remains largely unchanged - notwithstanding the weak economy, ongoing investigations of senior PLA leadership, and the unreported challenges facing Xi pre and post-BRICS summit - the article is still relevant and cogent. I am re-posting it with a new link. The following is what I wrote 14 months ago - "As China faces increasing internal and external challenges, an article titled "不折腾是最高的智慧和善政" (Avoiding self-inflicted complication is the highest level of wisdom and good politics) appeared online yesterday. Due to the sensitivity of the topic, the essay has gone viral and is likely to be removed soon. The author, from a historical perspective and tracing back to over four decades, writes about the wisdom, vision and political acumen of 邓小平 (Deng Xiaoping). He recounts the decision to launch "改革开放" (economic reform and opening-up) could only have been undertaken by Deng, in spite of the difficult conditions and fierce opposition from within the party. "有一种说法,认为邓小平搞改革开放只是历史的偶然,假如当时没有邓小平,其他领导人也会搞改革开放。 这样的看法以前可能是仁者见仁,智者见智,但是跟当下我们面临的局面做一个推论,我们完全可以说:没有邓小平,就没有改革开放。" Looking back at the days immediately following the Cultural Revolution, the political upheaval and social chaos had shaped a rigid society where the voices of the educated and elites were muted. If not for Deng, China would still be on the path of the 1950s and 1960s. "以前根本无法想象文革刚结束时整个社会思想僵化到什么程度,现在似乎明白一点了,就是精英层都被禁声了,谁有胆量和气魄打破常规?当时如果没有小平出来,最多就是回到50、60年代文革前的路线,当然会比文革10年务实,小修小补,但今天这种全面开放、市场经济那是想都不用想." Several passages in the article are worth highlighting - "有些事情是争论不出个所以然的,是争论不出生产力的,是争论不到综合实力的。 没有一个国家是靠打嘴仗胜利的。 1978年12月13日中共中央工作会议闭幕会上,小平做了一个讲话,题目叫《解放思想,实事求是,团结一致向前看》。 历史是合力,但历史也需要杠杆。 在当时的历史条件下,这三句话有着丰富的潜台词、高度的政治智慧、无穷的后续可能性。就这三句话,除了小平,别人想也想不到,想到了也不敢说,说出来也没用。 一个能真正推动历史的人,需要具备三个基本条件:眼界、意志、威望。三者具其一,在1977年的中国并不少,三者具其二的,也有。三者俱备的,只有小平一人。 所谓“不折腾”,就是无为而治。无为不是不为,恰恰相反,无为而无不为,给老百姓空间,给社会大众选择,这是思想解放的精髓所在。 对于改革开放,党内的阻力远比我们想象的大,面对阻力,小平同志不是“小步慢走”,而是“大步快走”,以至于连西方世界都对中国产生了误判(以为中国已经“和平演变”)。这样大步子的改革,对于邓小平要承受多大的压力和同志们的不解,可以说,没有小平同志的担当,今天的中国不会有如此巨大的成就。" In conclusion, the author, without delineating the current challenges facing the Beijing leadership, offered the following bold advice - "当代的执政者,需要好好读一下《邓小平理论》,我们需要的是有邓小平的智慧与胆略,来解决好当前的问题。" A good read of a commemoration written for the 24th anniversary of Deng's passing. 转载 |
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